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As the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) gains traction in transnational connectivity and infrastructure development, it meets increasing opposition from Western countries. Generally, it is viewed in the US-led Western world as an alternative form of globalization involving the leading role of China and increased participation of the Eastern powers. China's engagement in the development of regional infrastructures under BRI and its economic and political ramifications have raised concerns in the West, including the European Union (EU). Economic concerns and prospective political ramifications connected with China's grand initiative tend to shape the EU's sceptical approach towards BRI. The EU is alarmed by the expansion of the BRI not only in Europe but also in other world regions. Despite regional connectivity being a common interest of the EU and China, the former's sceptical approach towards BRI calls for an in-depth examination of the phenomenon. This paper explains the factors that account for the EU's sceptical approach vis-a-vis the BRI and evaluates its response to the Chinese mega project.
The European Union (EU) reshapes its position on Afghanistan in the post-US withdrawal scenario, witnessing Taliban re-entrance to the power corridors. By stopping all preferences immediately after the Taliban takeover in August 2021, the EU decided to continue only an operational engagement with the new Afghan administration which was necessary for logistical, operational, and humanitarian purposes. This research paper aims to investigate the EU's responses towards Afghanistan, particularly in terms of its strategic engagement with Kabul, which intends to limit humanitarian assistance and other necessary activities in the war-torn country. A situation analysis of the empirical process was employed as a research technique to investigate the EU's new stance over Afghanistan following the Taliban's reemergence in the country. The study finds that human rights violations, ineffective rules of law, lack of social justice, and security issues led to the lack of interest of the international community including the EU in enhancing trade and economic cooperation with the country. The paper argues that to reopen doors to the international community including the EU, the Taliban regime needs to fulfil its international commitments concerning human rights and security issues.
Regional integration is aimed at promoting socioeconomic growth and development in a region through economic cooperation among the member states. The European Union (EU) was established to promote economic and political cooperation among member countries. EU's unprecedented success in regional integration offers lessons for other regions. Unlike the EU, SAARC has not been successful in achieving significant economic integration among member states. Despite its potential, SAARC has been plagued by political and economic differences among member states, especially between Pakistan and India. South Asian countries are unable to boost regional integration not only because of their political differences but also due to other sub-regional and trans-regional initiatives that run anti to the spirit of regional integration under the umbrella of SAARC. India's role towards regional integration in South Asia is considered significant being the leading nation in the region. This paper first identifies the economic and political factors that hinder regional integration in South Asia. Then, it focuses on the dynamics of successful regional integration in Europe intending to underline the lessons to be learned by the South Asian countries to boost their regional cooperation.
Jean Monnet Chair organized international conference titled “European Union as a Model for Regional Integration: Lessons for South Asia.” This conference, spearheaded by the visionary team of the Jean Monnet Chair in collaboration with the Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML) Islamabad, aimed to recognize and highlight the commendable efforts of the European Union (EU) in the realm of regional integration. The overarching goal of the conference was to draw valuable insights that could guide the path for the South Asian regional integration. The success story of the European Union stands in stark contrast to the regional landscape of South Asia. While Europe has achieved remarkable integration, displaying unparalleled synergy, South Asia unfortunately lags behind, often being labelled as one of the least integrated regions globally. This dichotomy underscores the importance of drawing lessons from the EU's journey for the benefit of South Asian stakeholders. The conference gathering was graced by distinguished speakers and penalists having expertise spanning academia, diplomacy, policy formulation, and the vibrant world of civil society.
The EU granted GSP+ status of Pakistan aimed to foster economic stability and good governance in the country. However, Pakistan's progress vis-à-vis both objectives remains far below the potential. It could not significantly take advantage of enhanced tariff reductions under GSP+ to realize the diversification and value-addition of its exports. Meanwhile, Pakistan's performance in implementing 27 UN conventions-mandatory for a GSP+ beneficiary-needs improvement. The EU assessed the country's overall performance, in this regard, as satisfactory but noted certain human rights violations. In this connection, it has recently started a process for possible 'temporary withdrawal' of Pakistan's GSP+ status. Drawing on the theory of Discursive Institutionalism, this paper analyses challenges and prospects for the GSP+ status of Pakistan. The paper argues that the GSP+ withdrawal will aggravate the economic vulnerability of Pakistan; however, the EU will possibly not exercise this option in view of various economic and political factors.
The socio-economic incentives of the EU membership approach with certain political responsibilities. Following a Eurosceptic approach, the UK had often been seeking a reduction in the obligations on its part as an EU member. Eventually, it decided to leave the membership in an attempt to 'take back control' of laws and borders. The economic cost of the Brexit for the UK has been widely debated since the country's referendum on the EU membership. Studies conducted in the midst of Brexit process mostly lacked a single-scenario analysis because the precarious Brexit talks made any estimation about the nature of UK-EU future relationship difficult. With the realization of both Brexit and the post-Brexit cooperation agreement between the parties, the phenomenon becomes much more lucid and demands a more focused and coherent analysis. The article examines UK's economic implications after Brexit in the light of Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) that establishes a redefined economic partnership between the UK and the EU. It is argued that the Brexit will adversely affect the UK's economic performance in the medium to long term as the country loses unrestricted and comprehensive access to the EU market and does not have easy alternatives.
The debate over the 2014 Ukraine crisis revolves around two major arguments. The first blames the West for the crisis, seeing it as the consequence of the Western pursuit of NATO-EU expansion to the post-Soviet region. The second holds Russia responsible for the crisis in view of its coercive policies vis-à-vis the post-Soviet states to keep them in its own "sphere of influence" and, thus, denying them the sovereign right to join the Western organizations - NATO and EU. There are other explanations for the Ukraine crisis such as Ukraine's domestic instability and ethnic divisions, Putin's external adventurism for regime stability, and weak Western reaction to the Russian aggression. But these are generally considered less important or untenable. This paper does not focus on discordant explanations of the Ukraine crisis as reflected in the mainstream debate. Instead it delves into the post-Cold War European security order and identifies its structural flaws that, over the years, resulted in an increased Russia-West strategic dissonance, ultimately exploding into a crisis in Ukraine.
The European Union is generally conceptualized as a civilian and normative/ethical power which exudes 'soft power' rather than coercion. As a 'normative power' it is defined as a politico-legal arrangement, which characterizes a hybrid polity. According to rationalists, EU's external policy results from a series of rational choices made by the national governments, especially stronger ones, guided by the "logic of consequences." On the other hand, constructivists see EU's external behaviour as shaped by the 'socially constructed' ideas and norms, guided by the "logic of appropriateness." However, Discursive Institutionalism (DI) represents reconciliation between the two schools of thoughts. Although after 9/11 the EU prioritized its security interests in its relations with Pakistan, it did not lose interest in the promotion of norms. This paper discusses the importance of interests and norms in the EU's external policy particularly towards Pakistan within the framework of Discursive Institutionalism.
From 2009 onwards, the EU's engagement with Pakistan changed significantly. Presently, this engagement is characterised by an improving trade partnership, more humanitarian and development cooperation and also a comprehensive strategic dialogue. Several political and security factors have led the EU to place Pakistan high on its agenda. In spite of such changes, EU-Pakistan relations have not yet realised their full potential. However, various opportunities exist for further improving relations towards optimum level of engagement. The paper argues that the EU's civilian role in Pakistan is not only compatible with its own institutional capabilities but also consistent with the latter's needs as other major external actors accord priority to security relations with the country.
Given the distinguished nature of the EU as a polity compared with nation states, political integration in the area of common foreign policy is vital for the EU to play an effective global role and elevate its standing as a global actor. Since economic strength is EU's main instrument to perform its global function, its internal economic condition determines the pattern and extent of effectiveness of its foreign policy and global purpose. Likewise, the existence or lack of political coordination and collaboration between the EU and its member states and within the EU defines the degree of coherence in EU common foreign policy and strength of its global task. While the EU has adopted new arrangements under the Lisbon Treaty to enhance political integration in the area of common foreign policy and exercise global capacity effectively, its internal economic and political problems have negatively impacted the realization of these objectives. This article depicts the internal economic and political problems which the EU has faced in the recent years. Then, it examines the impact of these problems on EU's common foreign policy and its global role.
The European Union as an economic giant with world's single largest common market and the most liberalized preferential trade regime has an exceptional attraction for third countries. The political leverage which it wields from its economic strength makes it a major player in international political arena as well. Historically, EU-Pakistan relations had been of low profile and reached their lowest ebb in late 1990s. However, the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the subsequent Afghan war and Pakistan's decision to stand by international coalition against terrorism, opened a new chapter in EU-Pakistan relations. Since then, the significance of this relationship has increased because today Pakistan is seen to be helped due not only to war against terrorism and regional stability but also for itself, given the socio-economic and political challenges it faces. For EU, the reasons for engaging with Pakistan are 'compelling' and include 'core strategic interests'. This paper examines the strategic factors of Pakistan's importance for the EU and EU's importance for Pakistan